By Guglielmo Cinque

One of many world's best syntacticians provides proof for finding Adverb words within the specifiers of specified practical projections inside a unique and good articulated idea of the clause. during this idea, either adverbs and heads, which encode the practical notions of the clause, are ordered in a inflexible series. Cinques state-of-the-art thought means that the constitution of typical language sentences is way richer than formerly assumed.

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Additional info for Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)

Sample text

67 In this light, consider (106a-b), discussed in Andrews (1983). As he notes there, (106a) involves "two instances of intentional knocking" and (106b), "one intentional instance of knocking twice" (p. 695): (106) a. John knocked on the door intentionally twice, b. John knocked on the door twice intentionally. In each case, the adverb to the right takes scope over the adverb to its left (a "comma intonation" apparently separating the two adverbs; see Fillmore 1994, 170). When both precede the verb, it is the one to the left that takes scope over the one to the right, as expected.

Even putting aside the problem it faces with Relativized Minimality, the latter analysis fails by allowing for many more possibilities than are actually found. For example, it permits the following cases, where two AdvPs are moved separately to the pre-VP "space": (99) a. ' b. *Lui non ha mica piu, completamentek rivisto i suoi appunti ti sempre tk bene. ' That "crossing" is responsible for the ungrammaticality of (99) is questionable, as there are various cases (in Italian) where crossing paths are admitted.

John knocked twice on the door intentionally twice, b. John knocked on the door twice intentionally twice. " If twice1 were also present, we would have either (118a) or (118b), according to where YP (of (116)) moves: (118) a. John twice [ knocked on the door twice ] intentionally, b. John [ knocked on the door twice ] twice intentionally. Also note that the virtual nonambiguity of (110b), with the predominance of the wide scope reading of twice (mysterious in Andrews's analysis), becomes understandable under the present analysis.

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